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Temple Emanu-El | Nevada's oldest Jewish congregation This week's Parsha: Vayetse – the 7th weekly Torah portion in the annual Jewish cycle of Torah reading. This week's parsha is about Jacob and begins with the words, "vayetze ya yakov," meaning Jacob departed. Jacob left Bersheba and set out for Charan. This is a very rich and complex parsha which has been discussed, dissected and debated by rabbinical experts for eons. Starting with: why really, did Jacob leave – and was it true that GOD would bring him back as was promised? If so, why and when? The Rabbis debate why Jacob left. We read that Jacob had "stolen" the birthright of his older twin Esau, so was this a banishment? Some commentators say his mother sent him away and used the excuse that she didn't want him to marry a Caananite woman. But, was she sending him away to save him from some punishment? By contrast, commentator Rabbi Warhaftig says that Jacob left his home to honor the wishes of his father, and out of fear of his brother Esau, who might kill him for the "stealing" of said birthright. So, perhaps Jacob had to leave Bersheba in order to honor the wishes of both his parents. According to the first great Talmudic commentator Rashi: "When a righteous man leaves a place, it makes a mark." We can debate the virtues of Jacob at the time he left, but his departure certainly made a mark on his parents, as it does with most parents when their children leave home. So, was it simply time for him to "leave the nest" and learn fly on his own? Let me read you this portion: "Jacob left Bersheba and set out for Charan. He came upon a certain place and stopped for the night, for the sun had set. And the LORD was standing beside him and He said, 'I am the Lord, the God of your father Abraham and the God of Isaac; the ground on which you are lying I will assign to you and to your offspring. Your descendants shall be as the dust of the earth; you shall spread out to the west and to the east, to the north and to the south. All the families of the earth shall bless themselves by you and your descendants. Remember, I am with you: I will protect you wherever you go and will bring you back to this land. I will not leave you until I have done what I have promised you.'" So, Jacob left first as a fugitive, but then GOD spoke with him, gave him this blessing, and then every place was equally good for him. That is fortuitous, because I think Jacob had work to do. On himself. I believe Jacob had to leave his family in order to mature into a more virtuous person, indeed a "mensch" before he could return home and fulfill the destiny that GOD described for him. Psychologists tell us that the role of our parents is to give us both roots and wings. Jacob was rooted in his home, but when his parents pushed him out of the nest, he was then forced to grow the wings that would develop into his maturing. He had to grow, learn, suffer, and take risks on this journey. His character needed to be tested and refined, his personality molded and transformed, in order to return as a mature person. And boy was Jacob tested! Do some of us need to leave in order to return? Do these life journeys of exploration and even rebellion, lead to discovery and a "return to roots? " Are they one-way trips – or, can they include a round trip ticket, as GOD promised Jacob? So Jacob needed to mature. What is maturity and how does it happen? According to the Torah and Rabbi Dr. Tzvi Hersh Weinreb., an ordained rabbi and psychotherapist, maturity can be associated with the wisdom gained from experience over time, with the development of an approach to life which is practical, informed, and wise. Parshat Vayetze gives us the opportunity to read about the maturation of our patriarch Jacob through two big dreams. Jacob's first dream envisions a ladder firmly rooted into the earth but extending heavenwards. This dream is a majestic glimpse of infinite possibilities, a grand imaginative symbol of the relations between man and God. But then, Jacob gets busy with mundane affairs, "scorched by heat all day, and freezing at night." Jacob is busy with business, with profit, with material matters, dealing with deceit and disappointment at many turns. Later Jacob dreams again, but this dream is much more practical. He see goats mating "with the flock which were streaked, speckled, and mottled." This dream gives Jacob ideas on how to enhance the business of goat breeding and it ultimately works very well. In this second dream, the angels tells Jacob it is now time to "leave this land and return to his native land." It is time for him to become mature in one sense. It is time for him to reclaim his first dream and to do all he can to make that dream real. He learns that he must not surrender to just mundane dreams, abandoning old ideals. He learns he can return to dream of his youth. He also learns that not only can he go home again, he must go home again! A return to roots, I ask? This is the eternal lesson for the Jewish people. According to Rabbi Weinreb, the dreams of the diaspora are apt to be mundane and shortsighted but the dreams of the Land of Israel are noble dreams, exalted dreams, and dreams which ultimately connect us to heaven. The Land of Israel is the land of our dreams and it is also our home and roots. Jacob's dream comes true. God told him he would return and that that place would be Israel. In 1948 the land of Israel declares itself a state and a home, a safe haven for all Jews seeking refuge. What is particularly interesting to me is that that was 70 years ago. Seventy, which has the number seven in it, is an important number to Jews, with both noble and mystical implications. According to the Tanakh, "the days of our years are three score years and ten (70), or if reason of strength, four score years (80)… and it is speedily gone, and we fly away." At 70, Benjamin Franklin was helping to draft the U.S. Constitution. Winston Churchill was 70 years old in 1945 when he led the United Kingdom to victory in World War II. Israel's Golda Meir became prime minister of Israel at age 70. So, at 70 years for a person, there should be some maturity, plus the opportunity to stop the daily rigors of work, start to focus on other opportunities and reclaim some of the dreams of our youth. It does not mean the departure of life, if we are lucky, but of the beginning of a new chapter in life. A re-rooting. As with Israel, I was also born in 1948 and turn 70 this week. Jacob's journey has reminded me a bit of mine. I didn't physically leave home until after college, but I left earlier in other ways. In my youth, I didn't like being Jewish. For me, it was all about what we could not do, eat, look like, enjoy. My mother was reared Orthodox in NYC and told us horrible stories of how difficult it was being Jewish there. As a child, her older sister, my tante Millie was hit on the back of her head with a hammer by a kid who called her a "dirty Jew." I watched for the rest of her years how my aunt lived with blindness and a whole host of other maladies brought on by this attack. Who, I asked myself, would want to be Jewish? We here in Reno Nevada (and before that in northern California) did not have much of a Jewish community. So I, as the eldest child in the family, felt singled out in school and in the neighborhood. We didn't get to celebrate Christmas (even though one XMAS eve my sister and I put out stockings anyway, hoping for Santa. It didn't happen.) It was embarrassing to be hauled out of school the first two days of Rosh Hashana and on Yom Kippur. We had to observe and fast. I do remember my mother making us stay in the car with her one Yom Kippur afternoon, however, as she listened to the World Series to see how her beloved Yankees were doing. We were sworn to secrecy. Not sure if it was about doing this on Yom Kippur or that she was rooting for the Yankees. Vayetze – I departed. There are different ways to depart – geographically, as Jacob did, and as the Amish kids do, for example. They leave at age 18 for a year to explore the world of the Others. Some return and some do not. It's an anguishing year for their frightened parents. Yet other youth depart by rebelling from their family's beliefs, values, and customs. That's more of how I departed. At the age of about 17, when I started college, I rejected my Jewish birthright, and left my parents' world to explore the world outside Judaism. I can only imagine my parents' fear and confusion, and I vividly remember huge, loud ugly family arguments. Who would choose to be Jewish, I would repeatedly ask myself. I was learning to grow wings and fly in other directions, I guess. Life went on. Until recently, I worked very hard as a single mother, self-employed, trying to help my friends and community, taking care of my parents when that time came, and working through many mundane things. Important things. Busy things. But giving little time for self- or life-reflection or thoughts about religion or Judaism. Like with Jacob, my work was "scorched by day and freezing by night." Well, not literally, but figuratively. And then things changed. I aged to the point where I could stop working at that level and could start to reap a bit of what I had sown, a maturation of a sort. What a blessing! Many people don't get to live this long or get to this point of freedom and comfort. It is now a time for gratitude and for reflection. And maybe something else. Perhaps it is a time to return home. A time to look back at the dreams of my youth and get them fulfilled. A time to achieve both levels of maturity, according to Rabbi Weinreb. A time to reclaim my birthright and return to certain things. We learn in Torah about the cycles of life, and when we leave some thing or some place, and then return, we are not the same as when we left. This cycle is more like a spiral which winds around an axis, like ivy growing up a tree. Its radius may be constant or not. Maybe our birthright acts like this axis, around which we can grow and change, leave and return. Kind of like a twisting, ascending ladder? On this journey around our axis, do we sometimes have to move backward in order to move forward? Going backwards might give us time to expand our knowledge and experiences, like Jacob did, and allow us to return more mature, experienced, and eager to get back to our core. Jacob knew he would be returning home. I did not. So what does this parsha mean for so many Jews who have left their roots and given up their birthrights? Like for me, maybe it is never too late to get back to their core. Israel certainly is a symbol of such return – to a homeland and a way of life. But for us Jews not in Israel, right here in the U.S., it means we need to find other ways to reconnect to our Jewish cores and reclaim our birthrights. It is not easy being Jews here and with the growing anti-Semitism locally and worldwide, it might even be dangerous. But there is great beauty in reclaiming. It means there has been thought and study and certain decision-making not required of us when we were children. I think there is a place for Jews like me, maybe like you, who are trying to reclaim their birthright and forge a Jewish life which honors and respects our traditions and purpose. We were "given" the 10 Commandments but with that (and many other commandments) we were given many responsibilities. We Jews deal with a number of mitzvahs. A mitzvah is both a commandment and a good deed. I love that dual meaning. I am suggesting that we as Jews work harder to be role models of civility and citizenship in this contentious world. We should honor our mitzvahs by being more mindful of what we think, do, speak and eat. We should be more grateful for all the beauty in our world and give thanks for all our gifts. We should be as generous as we can, in whatever ways we can, whether it be with money, time, or simply listening. According to the Dalai Lama, happiness comes from compassion, and when we are compassionate we turn from takers to givers. I also believe we should speak up against that which is evil, ugly, unfair, and cruel. We need to do mitzvahs by taking great care of our children, our friends and family, our communities and our environment. What a grand mark we would be making then! And lastly, we as Jews should be more accepting of other Jews and the variety of ways they choose to be Jews. When I was in Israel many years ago, I saw that Jews of all kinds live together, because they have a purpose that overrides their differences: survival. There are orthodox and ultra-orthodox Jews and there are also holocaust-surviving Jews who are actually atheists. Yes they argue and disagree, but they still know who they are and what their core is. Like in Israel, we Jews here need to accept the differences among ourselves. Rabbi Fasman tells us that when it comes down to it, Jews around the world and across time are just one big family. One big dysfunctional family. We need to both endure and embrace those big family dinners with the crazy sister and the drunken uncle. I have become very proud of my heritage – and very grateful I don't actually have to convert! Simply because of my birthright, I was born Jewish, and aren't I lucky. Yes, I get to be Jewish. I get to struggle with God, which is the definition of the word Israel, and something which I do regularly. I get to doubt the existence of God, wonder about what, if anything is His role and meaning. I get to yell at him when bad things happen to good people, but mostly I get to thank him regularly for all that is beautiful and magical in my life. My gratitude is huge. I have many people to thank for putting up with me on my journey, some for many years, and some for a shorter time. My teachers and friends have been loving and patient and have successfully hidden their rolled eyes with some of my Hebrew struggles. Like Jacob, maybe I had to depart my roots, "fly the coop," and build some wings in order to mature enough to come home. Maybe that is the responsibility for all of us Jews. So, to mommy and daddy, I hope I have made you proud. May you rest in peace, knowing you did what you could to give me roots and wings – and please know: "Ahni babayit." "Ich bin zu hoize." I just might be home.
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Lolathecur's Blog Below are two very important entries from the "Jewish Encyclopedia". Read them VERY CLOSELY. | VULGATE: Table of Contents Earlier Latin Translations. Jerome's Bible-Revision Work. Jerome's Bible-Translation Work. Jerome's Translation in Later Times. Earlier Latin Translations. Latin version of the Bible authorized by the Council of Trent in 1546 as the Bible of the Roman Catholic Church. It was the product of the work of Jerome, one of the most learned and scholarly of the Church leaders of the early Christian centuries. The earliest Latin version of the Scriptures seems to have originated not in Rome, but in one of Rome's provinces in North Africa. An Old Latin version of the New Testament was extant in North Africa in the second century C.E., and it is thought that a translation of the Old Testament into Latin was made in the same century. Indeed, Tertullian (c. 160-240) seems to have known a Latin Bible. There were at least two early Latin translations, one called the African and the other the European. These, based not on the Hebrew, but on the Greek, are thought to have been made before the text-work of such scholars as Origen, Lucian, and Hesychius, and hence would be valuable for the discovery of the Greek text with which Origen worked. But the remains of these early versions are scanty. Jerome did not translate or revise several books found in the Latin Bible, and consequently the Old Latin versions were put in their places in the later Latin Bible. These Old Latin versions are represented in the books of Esdras, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, and Maccabees, and in the additions to Daniel and Esther. The Psalter also exists in a revised form, and the books of Job and Esther, of the Old Latin, are found in some ancient manuscripts. Only three other fragmentary manuscripts of the Old Testament in Old Latin are now known to be in existence. Jerome was born of Christian parents about 340-342, at Stridon, in the province of Dalmatia. He received a good education, and carried on his studies at Rome, being especially fascinated by Vergil, Terence, and Cicero. Rhetoric and Greek also claimed part of his attention. At Trier in Gaul he took up theological studies for several years. In 374 he traveled in the Orient. In a severe illness he was so impressed by a dream that he dropped secular studies. But his time had not been lost. He turned his brilliant mind, trained in the best schools of the day, to sacred things. Like Moses and Paul, he retired to a desert, that of Chalcis, near Antioch, where he spent almost five years in profound study of the Scriptures and of himself. At this period he sealed a friendship with Pope Damasus, who later opened the door to him for the great work of his life. In 379 Jerome was ordained presbyter at Antioch. Thence he went to Constantinople, where he was inspired by the expositions of Gregory Nazianzen. In 382 he reached Rome, where he lived about three years in close friendship with Damasus. Jerome's Bible-Revision Work. For a long time the Church had felt the need of a good, uniform Latin Bible. Pope Damasus at first asked his learned friend Jerome to prepare a revised Latin version of the New Testament. In 383 the Four Gospels appeared in a revised form, and at short intervals thereafter the Acts and the remaining books of the New Testament. These latter were very slightly altered by Jerome. Soon afterward he revised the Old Latin Psalter simply by the use of the Septuagint. The name given this revision was the "Roman Psalter," in distinction from the "Psalterium Vetus." The former was used in Rome and Italy down to Pius V. (1566-72), when it was displaced by the "Gallican Psalter" (so called because first adopted in Gaul), another of Jerome's revisions (made about 387), based on many corrections of the Greek text by reference to other Greek versions. About theend of 384 Pope Damasus died, and Jerome left Rome to travel and study in Bible lands. In 389 he settled at Bethlehem, assumed charge of a monastery, and prosecuted his studies with great zeal. He secured a learned Jew to teach him Hebrew for still better work than that he had been doing. His revision work had not yet ceased, for his Book of Job appeared as the result of the same kind of study as had produced the "Gallican Psalter." He revised some other books, as Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Song of Songs, and Chronicles, of which his revisions are lost, though their prefaces still exist. Jerome's Bible-Translation Work. But Jerome soon recognized the poor and unsatisfactory state of the Greek texts that he was obliged to use. This turned his mind and thought to the original Hebrew. Friends, too, urged him to translate certain books from the original text. As a resultant of long thought, and in answer to many requests, Jerome spent fifteen years, 390 to 405, on a new translation of the Old Testament from the original Hebrew text. He began with the books of Samuel and Kings, for which he wrote a remarkable preface, really an introduction to the entire Old Testament. He next translated the Psalms, and then the Prophets and Job. In 394-396 he prepared a translation of Esdras and Chronicles. After an interval of two years, during which he passed through a severe illness, he took up his arduous labors, and produced translations of Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Song of Songs. The Pentateuch followed next, and the last canonical books, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, and Esther, were completed by 404. The Apocryphal parts of Daniel and Esther, and Tobit and Judith, all translated from the Aramaic, completed Jerome's great task. The remainder of the Apocryphal books he left without revision or translation, as they were not found in the Hebrew Bible. Jerome's Translation in Later Times. Jerome happily has left prefaces to most of his translations, and these documents relate how he did his work and how some of the earlier books were received. Evidently he was bitterly criticized by some of his former best friends. His replies show that he was supersensitive to criticism, and often hot-tempered and stormy. His irritability and his sharp retorts to his critics rather retarded than aided the reception of his translation. But the superiority of the translation gradually won the day for most of his work. The Council of Trent in 1546 authorized the Latin Bible, which was by that time a strange composite. The Old Testament was Jerome's translation from the Hebrew, except the Psalter, which was his Gallican revision; of the Apocryphal books, Judith and Tobit were his translations, while the remainder were of the Old Latin version. The New Testament was Jerome's revision of the Old Latin translation. These translations and revisions of translations, and old original translations, constitute the Vulgate. See also Jerome. Bibliography: Grützmacher, Hieronymus: eine Bibliographische Studie, vol. i., Leipsic, 1901; S. Berger, Histoire de la Vulgate Pendant les Premières Siècles du Moyen Age, Paris, 1893; H. J. White, Codex Amiatinus and Its Birth-place, in Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica, vol. ii., Oxford, 1890; E. Nestle, Ein Jubiläum der Lateinischen Bibel, Tübingen, 1892; E. von Dobschütz, Studien zur Textkritik der Vulgata, Leipsic, 1894; Hastings, Dict. Bible. See fuller bibliography in S. Berger's work, mentioned above.JEROME (EUSEBIUS HIERONYMUS SOPHRONIUS): Table of Contents His Teachers. His Knowledge of Hebrew. Exegesis. Use of Noṭariḳon. Traditions. Church father; next to Origen, who wrote in Greek, the most learned student of the Bible among the Latin ecclesiastical writers, and, previous to modern times, the only Christian scholar able to study the Hebrew Bible in the original. The dates of his birth and death are not definitely known; but he is generally assumed to have lived from 337 to 420. Born in Stridon, Dalmatia, he went as a youth to Rome, where he attended a school of grammar and rhetoric. He then traveled in Gaul and Italy, and in 373 went to Antioch, where he became the pupil of Apollinaris of Laodicea, the representative of the exegetical school of Antioch; subsequently, however, Jerome did not accept the purely historical exegesis of this school, but adopted more nearly the typic-allegoric method of Origen. From Antioch he went to Chalcis in the Syrian desert, where he led the strictly ascetic life of a hermit, in atonement for the sins of his youth. Here to facilitate his intercourse with the people, he was obliged to learn Syriac; and this language doubtless aided him later in his Hebrew studies ("Epistolæ," xvii. 2; yet comp. ib. lxxviii. and comm. on Jer. ii. 18). Here also he began with great labor to study Hebrew, with the aid of a baptized Jew (ib. cxxv. 12), and it may be he of whom he says (ib. xviii. 10) that he was regarded by Jewish scholars as a Chaldean and as a master of the interpretation of Scripture (ib. cxxv. 12). On a second visit to Antioch Jerome was ordained a priest. He then went to Constantinople, and thence to Rome, where he undertook literary work for Pope Damasus, beginning at the same time his own Biblical works (c. 383). He finally settled at Bethlehem in Palestine (c. 385), founding a monastery there which he directed down to his death. This outline of Jerome's life indicates that he was a master of Latin and Greek learning, and by studying furthermore Syriac and Hebrew united in his person the culture of the East and of the West. His Teachers. It was in Bethlehem that he devoted himself most seriously to Hebrew studies. Here he had as teachers several Jews, one of whom taught him reading ("Hebræus autem qui nos in veteris instrumenti lectione erudivit"; comm. on Isa. xxii. 17); the peculiar pronunciation of Hebrew often found in Jerome's works was probably therefore derived from this Jew. Jerome was not satisfied to study with any one Jew, but applied to several, choosing always the most learned (preface to Hosea: "diceremque . . . quid ab Hebræorum magistris vix uno et altero acceperim"; "Epistolæ," lxxiii. 9 [i. 443]: "hæc ab eruditissimis gentis illius didicimus"). With similar words Jerome is always attempting to inspire confidence in his exegesis; but they must not be taken too literally, as he was wont to boast of his scholarship. However, he was doubtless in a position to obtain the opinions of several Jews; for he often refers to "quidam Hebræorum." He even traveled in the province of Palestine with his Jewish friends, in order to become better acquainted with the scenes of Biblical history (preface to "Paralipomena," i.); one of them was his guide (preface to Nahum). Of only three of his teachers is anything definite known. One, whom he calls "Lyddæus," seems to have taught him only translation and exegesis, while the traditions ("midrash") were derived from another Jew. Lyddæus spoke Greek, with which Jerome was conversant (comm. on Ezek. ix. 3; on Dan. vi. 4). Lyddæus, in interpreting Ecclesiastes, once referred to a midrash which appeared to Jerome absurd (comm. on Eccl. iii. 1); Jerome thought him fluent, but not always sound; this teacher was therefore a haggadist. He was occasionally unwilling to explain the text (ib. v. 1). Jerome was frequently not satisfied with his teacher's exegesis, and disputed with him; and he often says that he merely read the Scriptures with him (comm. on Eccl. iv. 14, v. 3; "Onomastica Sacra," 90, 12). Another teacher is called "Baranina," i.e., "Bar Ḥanina," of Tiberias. He acquainted Jerome with a mass of Hebrew traditions, some of which referred especially to his native place, Tiberias. He came at night only, and sometimes, being afraid to come himself, he sent a certain Nicodemus ("Epistolæ," lxxxiv. 3 [i. 520]). A third teacher, who may be called "Chaldæus," taught Jerome Aramaic, which was necessary for the Old Testament passages and the books of the Apocrypha written in that language. This teacher of Aramaic was very prominent among the Jews, and Jerome, who had great difficulty in learning Aramaic, was very well satisfied with his instruction (prefaces to Tobit and Daniel). Jerome continued to study with Jews during the forty years that he lived in Palestine (comm. on Nahum ii. 1; "a quibus [Judæis] non modico tempore eruditus"). His enemies frequently took him to task for his intercourse with the Jews; but he answered: "How can loyalty to the Church be impaired merely because the reader is informed of the different ways in which a verse is interpreted by the Jews?" ("Contra Rufinum," ii. 476). This sentence characterizes the Jewish exegesis of that time. Jerome's real intention in studying the Hebrew text is shown in the following sentence: "Why should I not be permitted, . . . for the purpose of confuting the Jews, to use those copies of the Bible which they themselves admit to be genuine? Then when the Christians dispute with them, they shall have no excuse" (ib. book iii.; ed. Vallarsi, ii. 554). His Knowledge of Hebrew. Jerome's knowledge of Hebrew is considerable only when compared with that of the other Church Fathers and of the general Christian public of his time. His knowledge was really very defective. Although he pretends to have complete command of Hebrew and proudly calls himself a "trilinguis" (being conversant with Latin, Greek, and Hebrew), he did not, in spite of all his hard work, attain to the proficiency of his simple Jewish teachers. But he did not commit those errors into which the Christians generally fell; as he himself says: "The Jews boast of their knowledge of the Law when they remember the several names which we generally pronounce in a corrupt way because they are barbaric and we do not know their etymology. And if we happen to make a mistake in the accent [the pronunciation of the word as affected by the vowels] and in the length of the syllables, lengthening short ones and shortening long ones, they laugh at our ignorance, especially as shown in aspiration and in some letters pronounced with a rasping of the throat" (comm. on Titus iii. 9). Jerome not only acquired the peculiar hissing pronunciation of the Jews, but he also—so he declares—corrupted his pronunciation of Latin thereby, and ruined his fine Latin style by Hebraisms (preface to book iii., comm. on Galatians; "Epistolæ," xxix. 7; ed. Vallarsi, i. 143). This statement of Jerome's is not to be taken very seriously, however. In his voluminous works Jerome transcribed in Latin letters a mass of Hebrew words, giving thereby more or less exact information on the pronunciation of Hebrew then current. But, although he studied with the Jews, his pronunciation of Hebrew can not therefore be unhesitatingly regarded as that of the Jews, because he was led by the course of his studies, by habit, and by ecclesiastical authority to follow the Septuagint in regard to proper names, and this version had long before this become Christian. Jerome shared the belief of the Hebrews and of most of the Church Fathers that Hebrew was the parent of all the other languages ("Opera," vi. 730b). He sometimes distinguishes Hebrew from Aramaic (preface to Tobit), but sometimes appears to call both Syriac. In reference to Isa. xix. 18 (comm. ad loc.; comp. "Epistolæ," cviii.) he speaks also of the "Canaanitish" language, as being closely related to Hebrew and still spoken in five cities of Egypt, meaning thereby either Aramaic or Syriac. In explaining "yemim" (Gen. xxxvi. 24), he correctly states in regard to the Punic language that it was related to Hebrew ("Quæstiones Hebraicæ in Genesin"). His knowledge of Hebrew appears most clearly in his two important works, that on the Hebrew proper names and that on the situation of the places mentioned in the Bible; in his extensive commentaries on most of the books of the Old Testament; and especially in his chief work, the new Latin translation of the Bible from the Hebrew original (see Vulgate). Through these works he not only became an authority on the Bible during his lifetime, but he remained a leading teacher of Christianity in the following ages, because down to very recent times no one could go direct to the original text as he had done. Jerome's importance was recognized by the Jewish authors of the Middle Ages, and he is frequently cited by David Ḳimḥi; also by Abu al-Walid ("Sefer ha-Shorashim," s.v. and ), Abraham ibn Ezra (on Gen. xxxvii. 35), Samuel b. Meïr (on Ex. xx. 13), Naḥmanides (on Gen. xli. 45), Joseph Albo (iii. 25), and the polemic Isaac Troki (in "Ḥizzuḳ Emunah"). Jerome is also important because he could consult works which have since disappeared, as, for example, Origen's "Hexapla" (he says that he had seen a copy of the Hebrew Ben Sira, but he seems not to have used it); he had Aramaic copies of the Apocryphal books Judith and Tobit; and the so-called Hebrew Gospel, which was written in Hebrew script in the Aramaic language, he translated into Greek and Latin ("Contra Pelagianos," iii. 2; "De Viris Illustribus," ch. ii.; comm. on Matt. xii. 13). Exegesis. Jerome's exegesis is Jewish in spirit, reflecting the methods of the Palestinian haggadists. He expressly states, in certain cases, that he adopts the Jewish opinion, especially when he controverts Christian opponents and errors (comm. on Joel iv. 11: "nobis autem Hebræorum opinionem sequentibus"); he reproduces the Jewish exegesis both in letter (comm. on Amos v. 18-19) and in substance (παραφραστικῶς; comm. on Dan. ix. 24). Hence he presents Jewish exegesis from the purely Jewish point of view. Even the language of the Haggadah appears in his commentaries, e.g., where the explanation is given in the form of question and answer (comm. on Dan. ii. 12: quærunt Hebræi"); or when he says, in explaining, "This it is that is said" ("Hoc est quod dicitur"; comp. ); or when several opinions are cited on the same subject ("alii Judæorum"); or when a disputation is added thereto ("Epistola xix. ad Hedibiam," i. 55). He even uses technical phrases, such as "The wise men teach" ("Epistolæ," cxxi.) or "One may read" (comm. on Nahum. iii. 8). This kind of haggadic exegesis, which is merely intended to introduce a homiletic remark, leads Jerome to accuse the Jews unjustly of being arbitrary in their interpretation of the Bible text. But he did not believe that the Jews corrupted the text, as Christians frequently accused them of doing. While at Rome he obtained from a Jew a synagogue-roll ("Epistolæ," xxxvi. 1) because he considered the Hebrew text as the only correct one, as the "Hebraica veritas," which from this time on he regarded as authoritative in all exegetical disputes. Jerome hereby laid down the law for Bible exegesis. Of course he recognized also some of the faults of Jewish exegesis, as, for example, the forced combination of unconnected verses (comm. on Isa. xliv. 15: "stulta contentione"); he sometimes regards his teacher's interpretation to be arbitrary, and opposes to it his own (ib. xlix. 1). Contrary to the haggadic interpretation of the Jews, he correctly notices a difference between "Hananeel" (Jer. xxxi. 38; see comm. ad loc.) and "Hanameel" (ib. xxxii. 7). Jerome rarely employs simple historical exegesis, but, like all his contemporaries, wanders in the mazes of symbolic, allegoric, and even mystic exegesis. In his commentary on Joel i. 4 he adopts the Jewish interpretation, according to which the four kinds of locusts mean the four empires; Zech. iv. 2, in which the lamp means the Law, its flame the Messiah, and its seven branches the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit, he interprets entirely mystically. Use of Noṭariḳon. In his commentary on Eccl. i. 9 he even teaches the preexistence of all beings, including man. He frequently uses the NoṬariḳon, e.g., in reference to Zerubbabel (comm. on Hag. i. 1) or to Abishag ("Epistolæ," lii. [i. 210]). Jerome's exegesis came in some respects like a revelation to the Christian world, and cleared up difficulties in reading the Bible; e.g., his explanation of the Hebrew alphabet ("Epistola xxx. ad Paulam," i. 144) or that of the ten names of God ("Epistola xxv. ad Marcellam," i. 128). It must always be remembered that in many portions of his allegorical exegesis Jerome is entirely in agreement with Hellenistic methods; for instance, in the explanation of the four colors in the sanctuary of the desert ("Epistola lxiv. ad Fabiolam," i. 364; comp. Philo, "De Monarchia," § 2; Josephus, "B. J." v. 4, § 4; idem, "Ant." iii. 7, § 7). Jerome's commentaries are of small value for Old Testament criticism, on account of the inclination to allegorize which leads him to a free treatment of the text, as well as on account of his polemics against Judaism (comp. Jew. Encyc. iv. 81, s.v. Church Fathers). Traditions. Jerome's works are especially important for Judaism because of the numerous Jewish traditions found in them, particularly in his work "Quæstiones Hebraicæ in Genesin." Jerome designates by the general name "tradition" all supplementary and edifying stories found in the Midrash and relating to the personages and events of the Bible; these stories may fitly be designated as historic haggadah. Here also Jerome affirms that he faithfully reproduces what the Jews have told him (comm. on Amos iv. 16: "hoc Hebræi autumant et sicut nobis ab ipsis traditum est, nostris fideliter exposuimus"). He designates the Jewish legend of Isaiah's martyrdom as an authentic tradition (comm. on Isa. lvii. 1: "apud cos certissima traditio"), while he doubts the story of Jeremiah's crucifixion because there is no reference to it in Scripture (comm. on Jer. xi. 18). Jerome often remarks that a certain story is not found in Scripture, but only in tradition (comm. on Isa. xxii. 15), and that these traditions originated with the "magistri," i.e., the Rabbis (comm. on Ezek. xlv. 10); that these "fables" are incorporated into the text on the strength of one word (comm. on Dan. vi. 4); and that many authors are cited to confirm this tradition. All these remarks exactly characterize the nature of the Haggadah. Jerome apparently likes these traditions, though they sometimes displease him, and then he contemptuously designates them as "fabulæ" or "Jewish fables," "ridiculous fables" (comm. on Ezek. xxv. 8), "ridiculous things" (on Eccl. iii. 1), or "cunning inventions" (on Zech. v. 7). Jerome's opinion of these traditions is immaterial at the present time. The important point is that he quotes them; for thereby the well-known traditions of the Midrash are obtained in Latin form, and in this form they are sometimes more concise and comprehensible—in any case they are more interesting. Moreover, many traditions that appear from the sources in which they are found to be of a late date are thus proved to be of earlier origin. Jerome also recounts traditions that are no longer found in canonical Jewish sources, as well as some that have been preserved in the Jewish and Christian Apocrypha. It is, furthermore, interesting to note that Jerome had read some of these traditions; hence they had been committed to writing in his time. Although other Church Fathers quote Jewish traditions none equal Jerome in the number and faithfulness of their quotations. This Midrash treasure has unfortunately not yet been fully examined; scholars have only recently begun to investigate this field. Nor have Jerome's works been properly studied as yet in reference to the valuable material they contain on the political status of the Jews of Palestine, their social life, their organization, their religiousviews, their Messianic hopes, and their relations to Christians. Jerome was no friend to the Jews, although he owed them much; he often rebukes them for their errors; reproaches them for being stiff-necked and inimical to the Christians; controverts their views in the strongest terms; curses and reviles them; takes pleasure in their misfortune; and even uses against them both the books that he has cunningly obtained from them and the knowledge he has derived therefrom. Thus Jews and Christians agree that he is eminent only for his scholarship, and not for his character. See Church Fathers. Bibliography: O. Zöckler, Hieronymus, Sein Leben und Sein Wirken, Gotha, 1865; A. Thierry, St. Jérôme, Paris, 1867, 1875; Grützmacher, Hieronymus, part i., Leipsic, 1901; Nowack, Die Bedeutung des Hieronymus für die A. T. Textkritik, 1875, pp. 6-10; S. Krauss, in Magyar Zsidó Szémle, 1890, vii., passim; idem, in J. Q. R. vi. 225-261; M. Rahmer, Die Hebräischen Traditionen in den Werken des Hieronymus, i., Breslau, 1861; ii., Berlin, 1898; idem, in Ben Chananja, vii.; idem, in Monatsschrift, 1865, 1866, 1867, 1868; idem, in Grätz Jubelschrift; Siegfried, Die Aussprache des Hebräischen bei Hieronymus, in Stade's Zeitschrift, iv. 34-82; Spanier, Exegetische Beiträge, zu Hieronymus, Bern, 1897; W. Bacher, Eine Angebliche Lücke im Hebräischen Wissen des Hieronymus, in Stade's Zeitschrift, xxii. 114-116. VULGATE: Table of Contents Earlier Latin Translations. Jerome's Bible-Revision Work. Jerome's Bible-Translation Work. Jerome's Translation in Later Times. Earlier Latin Translations. Latin version of the Bible authorized by the Council of Trent in 1546 as the Bible of the Roman Catholic Church. It was the product of the work of Jerome, one of the most learned and scholarly of the Church leaders of the early Christian centuries. The earliest Latin version of the Scriptures seems to have originated not in Rome, but in one of Rome's provinces in North Africa. An Old Latin version of the New Testament was extant in North Africa in the second century C.E., and it is thought that a translation of the Old Testament into Latin was made in the same century. Indeed, Tertullian (c. 160-240) seems to have known a Latin Bible. There were at least two early Latin translations, one called the African and the other the European. These, based not on the Hebrew, but on the Greek, are thought to have been made before the text-work of such scholars as Origen, Lucian, and Hesychius, and hence would be valuable for the discovery of the Greek text with which Origen worked. But the remains of these early versions are scanty. Jerome did not translate or revise several books found in the Latin Bible, and consequently the Old Latin versions were put in their places in the later Latin Bible. These Old Latin versions are represented in the books of Esdras, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, and Maccabees, and in the additions to Daniel and Esther. The Psalter also exists in a revised form, and the books of Job and Esther, of the Old Latin, are found in some ancient manuscripts. Only three other fragmentary manuscripts of the Old Testament in Old Latin are now known to be in existence. Jerome was born of Christian parents about 340-342, at Stridon, in the province of Dalmatia. He received a good education, and carried on his studies at Rome, being especially fascinated by Vergil, Terence, and Cicero. Rhetoric and Greek also claimed part of his attention. At Trier in Gaul he took up theological studies for several years. In 374 he traveled in the Orient. In a severe illness he was so impressed by a dream that he dropped secular studies. But his time had not been lost. He turned his brilliant mind, trained in the best schools of the day, to sacred things. Like Moses and Paul, he retired to a desert, that of Chalcis, near Antioch, where he spent almost five years in profound study of the Scriptures and of himself. At this period he sealed a friendship with Pope Damasus, who later opened the door to him for the great work of his life. In 379 Jerome was ordained presbyter at Antioch. Thence he went to Constantinople, where he was inspired by the expositions of Gregory Nazianzen. In 382 he reached Rome, where he lived about three years in close friendship with Damasus. Jerome's Bible-Revision Work. For a long time the Church had felt the need of a good, uniform Latin Bible. Pope Damasus at first asked his learned friend Jerome to prepare a revised Latin version of the New Testament. In 383 the Four Gospels appeared in a revised form, and at short intervals thereafter the Acts and the remaining books of the New Testament. These latter were very slightly altered by Jerome. Soon afterward he revised the Old Latin Psalter simply by the use of the Septuagint. The name given this revision was the "Roman Psalter," in distinction from the "Psalterium Vetus." The former was used in Rome and Italy down to Pius V. (1566-72), when it was displaced by the "Gallican Psalter" (so called because first adopted in Gaul), another of Jerome's revisions (made about 387), based on many corrections of the Greek text by reference to other Greek versions. About theend of 384 Pope Damasus died, and Jerome left Rome to travel and study in Bible lands. In 389 he settled at Bethlehem, assumed charge of a monastery, and prosecuted his studies with great zeal. He secured a learned Jew to teach him Hebrew for still better work than that he had been doing. His revision work had not yet ceased, for his Book of Job appeared as the result of the same kind of study as had produced the "Gallican Psalter." He revised some other books, as Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Song of Songs, and Chronicles, of which his revisions are lost, though their prefaces still exist. Jerome's Bible-Translation Work. But Jerome soon recognized the poor and unsatisfactory state of the Greek texts that he was obliged to use. This turned his mind and thought to the original Hebrew. Friends, too, urged him to translate certain books from the original text. As a resultant of long thought, and in answer to many requests, Jerome spent fifteen years, 390 to 405, on a new translation of the Old Testament from the original Hebrew text. He began with the books of Samuel and Kings, for which he wrote a remarkable preface, really an introduction to the entire Old Testament. He next translated the Psalms, and then the Prophets and Job. In 394-396 he prepared a translation of Esdras and Chronicles. After an interval of two years, during which he passed through a severe illness, he took up his arduous labors, and produced translations of Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Song of Songs. The Pentateuch followed next, and the last canonical books, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, and Esther, were completed by 404. The Apocryphal parts of Daniel and Esther, and Tobit and Judith, all translated from the Aramaic, completed Jerome's great task. The remainder of the Apocryphal books he left without revision or translation, as they were not found in the Hebrew Bible. Jerome's Translation in Later Times. Jerome happily has left prefaces to most of his translations, and these documents relate how he did his work and how some of the earlier books were received. Evidently he was bitterly criticized by some of his former best friends. His replies show that he was supersensitive to criticism, and often hot-tempered and stormy. His irritability and his sharp retorts to his critics rather retarded than aided the reception of his translation. But the superiority of the translation gradually won the day for most of his work. The Council of Trent in 1546 authorized the Latin Bible, which was by that time a strange composite. The Old Testament was Jerome's translation from the Hebrew, except the Psalter, which was his Gallican revision; of the Apocryphal books, Judith and Tobit were his translations, while the remainder were of the Old Latin version. The New Testament was Jerome's revision of the Old Latin translation. These translations and revisions of translations, and old original translations, constitute the Vulgate. See also Jerome. Bibliography: Grützmacher, Hieronymus: eine Bibliographische Studie, vol. i., Leipsic, 1901; S. Berger, Histoire de la Vulgate Pendant les Premières Siècles du Moyen Age, Paris, 1893; H. J. White, Codex Amiatinus and Its Birth-place, in Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica, vol. ii., Oxford, 1890; E. Nestle, Ein Jubiläum der Lateinischen Bibel, Tübingen, 1892; E. von Dobschütz, Studien zur Textkritik der Vulgata, Leipsic, 1894; Hastings, Dict. Bible. See fuller bibliography in S. Berger's work, mentioned above.JEROME (EUSEBIUS HIERONYMUS SOPHRONIUS): Table of Contents His Teachers. His Knowledge of Hebrew. Exegesis. Use of Noṭariḳon. Traditions. Church father; next to Origen, who wrote in Greek, the most learned student of the Bible among the Latin ecclesiastical writers, and, previous to modern times, the only Christian scholar able to study the Hebrew Bible in the original. The dates of his birth and death are not definitely known; but he is generally assumed to have lived from 337 to 420. Born in Stridon, Dalmatia, he went as a youth to Rome, where he attended a school of grammar and rhetoric. He then traveled in Gaul and Italy, and in 373 went to Antioch, where he became the pupil of Apollinaris of Laodicea, the representative of the exegetical school of Antioch; subsequently, however, Jerome did not accept the purely historical exegesis of this school, but adopted more nearly the typic-allegoric method of Origen. From Antioch he went to Chalcis in the Syrian desert, where he led the strictly ascetic life of a hermit, in atonement for the sins of his youth. Here to facilitate his intercourse with the people, he was obliged to learn Syriac; and this language doubtless aided him later in his Hebrew studies ("Epistolæ," xvii. 2; yet comp. ib. lxxviii. and comm. on Jer. ii. 18). Here also he began with great labor to study Hebrew, with the aid of a baptized Jew (ib. cxxv. 12), and it may be he of whom he says (ib. xviii. 10) that he was regarded by Jewish scholars as a Chaldean and as a master of the interpretation of Scripture (ib. cxxv. 12). On a second visit to Antioch Jerome was ordained a priest. He then went to Constantinople, and thence to Rome, where he undertook literary work for Pope Damasus, beginning at the same time his own Biblical works (c. 383). He finally settled at Bethlehem in Palestine (c. 385), founding a monastery there which he directed down to his death. This outline of Jerome's life indicates that he was a master of Latin and Greek learning, and by studying furthermore Syriac and Hebrew united in his person the culture of the East and of the West. His Teachers. It was in Bethlehem that he devoted himself most seriously to Hebrew studies. Here he had as teachers several Jews, one of whom taught him reading ("Hebræus autem qui nos in veteris instrumenti lectione erudivit"; comm. on Isa. xxii. 17); the peculiar pronunciation of Hebrew often found in Jerome's works was probably therefore derived from this Jew. Jerome was not satisfied to study with any one Jew, but applied to several, choosing always the most learned (preface to Hosea: "diceremque . . . quid ab Hebræorum magistris vix uno et altero acceperim"; "Epistolæ," lxxiii. 9 [i. 443]: "hæc ab eruditissimis gentis illius didicimus"). With similar words Jerome is always attempting to inspire confidence in his exegesis; but they must not be taken too literally, as he was wont to boast of his scholarship. However, he was doubtless in a position to obtain the opinions of several Jews; for he often refers to "quidam Hebræorum." He even traveled in the province of Palestine with his Jewish friends, in order to become better acquainted with the scenes of Biblical history (preface to "Paralipomena," i.); one of them was his guide (preface to Nahum). Of only three of his teachers is anything definite known. One, whom he calls "Lyddæus," seems to have taught him only translation and exegesis, while the traditions ("midrash") were derived from another Jew. Lyddæus spoke Greek, with which Jerome was conversant (comm. on Ezek. ix. 3; on Dan. vi. 4). Lyddæus, in interpreting Ecclesiastes, once referred to a midrash which appeared to Jerome absurd (comm. on Eccl. iii. 1); Jerome thought him fluent, but not always sound; this teacher was therefore a haggadist. He was occasionally unwilling to explain the text (ib. v. 1). Jerome was frequently not satisfied with his teacher's exegesis, and disputed with him; and he often says that he merely read the Scriptures with him (comm. on Eccl. iv. 14, v. 3; "Onomastica Sacra," 90, 12). Another teacher is called "Baranina," i.e., "Bar Ḥanina," of Tiberias. He acquainted Jerome with a mass of Hebrew traditions, some of which referred especially to his native place, Tiberias. He came at night only, and sometimes, being afraid to come himself, he sent a certain Nicodemus ("Epistolæ," lxxxiv. 3 [i. 520]). A third teacher, who may be called "Chaldæus," taught Jerome Aramaic, which was necessary for the Old Testament passages and the books of the Apocrypha written in that language. This teacher of Aramaic was very prominent among the Jews, and Jerome, who had great difficulty in learning Aramaic, was very well satisfied with his instruction (prefaces to Tobit and Daniel). Jerome continued to study with Jews during the forty years that he lived in Palestine (comm. on Nahum ii. 1; "a quibus [Judæis] non modico tempore eruditus"). His enemies frequently took him to task for his intercourse with the Jews; but he answered: "How can loyalty to the Church be impaired merely because the reader is informed of the different ways in which a verse is interpreted by the Jews?" ("Contra Rufinum," ii. 476). This sentence characterizes the Jewish exegesis of that time. Jerome's real intention in studying the Hebrew text is shown in the following sentence: "Why should I not be permitted, . . . for the purpose of confuting the Jews, to use those copies of the Bible which they themselves admit to be genuine? Then when the Christians dispute with them, they shall have no excuse" (ib. book iii.; ed. Vallarsi, ii. 554). His Knowledge of Hebrew. Jerome's knowledge of Hebrew is considerable only when compared with that of the other Church Fathers and of the general Christian public of his time. His knowledge was really very defective. Although he pretends to have complete command of Hebrew and proudly calls himself a "trilinguis" (being conversant with Latin, Greek, and Hebrew), he did not, in spite of all his hard work, attain to the proficiency of his simple Jewish teachers. But he did not commit those errors into which the Christians generally fell; as he himself says: "The Jews boast of their knowledge of the Law when they remember the several names which we generally pronounce in a corrupt way because they are barbaric and we do not know their etymology. And if we happen to make a mistake in the accent [the pronunciation of the word as affected by the vowels] and in the length of the syllables, lengthening short ones and shortening long ones, they laugh at our ignorance, especially as shown in aspiration and in some letters pronounced with a rasping of the throat" (comm. on Titus iii. 9). Jerome not only acquired the peculiar hissing pronunciation of the Jews, but he also—so he declares—corrupted his pronunciation of Latin thereby, and ruined his fine Latin style by Hebraisms (preface to book iii., comm. on Galatians; "Epistolæ," xxix. 7; ed. Vallarsi, i. 143). This statement of Jerome's is not to be taken very seriously, however. In his voluminous works Jerome transcribed in Latin letters a mass of Hebrew words, giving thereby more or less exact information on the pronunciation of Hebrew then current. But, although he studied with the Jews, his pronunciation of Hebrew can not therefore be unhesitatingly regarded as that of the Jews, because he was led by the course of his studies, by habit, and by ecclesiastical authority to follow the Septuagint in regard to proper names, and this version had long before this become Christian. Jerome shared the belief of the Hebrews and of most of the Church Fathers that Hebrew was the parent of all the other languages ("Opera," vi. 730b). He sometimes distinguishes Hebrew from Aramaic (preface to Tobit), but sometimes appears to call both Syriac. In reference to Isa. xix. 18 (comm. ad loc.; comp. "Epistolæ," cviii.) he speaks also of the "Canaanitish" language, as being closely related to Hebrew and still spoken in five cities of Egypt, meaning thereby either Aramaic or Syriac. In explaining "yemim" (Gen. xxxvi. 24), he correctly states in regard to the Punic language that it was related to Hebrew ("Quæstiones Hebraicæ in Genesin"). His knowledge of Hebrew appears most clearly in his two important works, that on the Hebrew proper names and that on the situation of the places mentioned in the Bible; in his extensive commentaries on most of the books of the Old Testament; and especially in his chief work, the new Latin translation of the Bible from the Hebrew original (see Vulgate). Through these works he not only became an authority on the Bible during his lifetime, but he remained a leading teacher of Christianity in the following ages, because down to very recent times no one could go direct to the original text as he had done. Jerome's importance was recognized by the Jewish authors of the Middle Ages, and he is frequently cited by David Ḳimḥi; also by Abu al-Walid ("Sefer ha-Shorashim," s.v. and ), Abraham ibn Ezra (on Gen. xxxvii. 35), Samuel b. Meïr (on Ex. xx. 13), Naḥmanides (on Gen. xli. 45), Joseph Albo (iii. 25), and the polemic Isaac Troki (in "Ḥizzuḳ Emunah"). Jerome is also important because he could consult works which have since disappeared, as, for example, Origen's "Hexapla" (he says that he had seen a copy of the Hebrew Ben Sira, but he seems not to have used it); he had Aramaic copies of the Apocryphal books Judith and Tobit; and the so-called Hebrew Gospel, which was written in Hebrew script in the Aramaic language, he translated into Greek and Latin ("Contra Pelagianos," iii. 2; "De Viris Illustribus," ch. ii.; comm. on Matt. xii. 13). Exegesis. Jerome's exegesis is Jewish in spirit, reflecting the methods of the Palestinian haggadists. He expressly states, in certain cases, that he adopts the Jewish opinion, especially when he controverts Christian opponents and errors (comm. on Joel iv. 11: "nobis autem Hebræorum opinionem sequentibus"); he reproduces the Jewish exegesis both in letter (comm. on Amos v. 18-19) and in substance (παραφραστικῶς; comm. on Dan. ix. 24). Hence he presents Jewish exegesis from the purely Jewish point of view. Even the language of the Haggadah appears in his commentaries, e.g., where the explanation is given in the form of question and answer (comm. on Dan. ii. 12: quærunt Hebræi"); or when he says, in explaining, "This it is that is said" ("Hoc est quod dicitur"; comp. ); or when several opinions are cited on the same subject ("alii Judæorum"); or when a disputation is added thereto ("Epistola xix. ad Hedibiam," i. 55). He even uses technical phrases, such as "The wise men teach" ("Epistolæ," cxxi.) or "One may read" (comm. on Nahum. iii. 8). This kind of haggadic exegesis, which is merely intended to introduce a homiletic remark, leads Jerome to accuse the Jews unjustly of being arbitrary in their interpretation of the Bible text. But he did not believe that the Jews corrupted the text, as Christians frequently accused them of doing. While at Rome he obtained from a Jew a synagogue-roll ("Epistolæ," xxxvi. 1) because he considered the Hebrew text as the only correct one, as the "Hebraica veritas," which from this time on he regarded as authoritative in all exegetical disputes. Jerome hereby laid down the law for Bible exegesis. Of course he recognized also some of the faults of Jewish exegesis, as, for example, the forced combination of unconnected verses (comm. on Isa. xliv. 15: "stulta contentione"); he sometimes regards his teacher's interpretation to be arbitrary, and opposes to it his own (ib. xlix. 1). Contrary to the haggadic interpretation of the Jews, he correctly notices a difference between "Hananeel" (Jer. xxxi. 38; see comm. ad loc.) and "Hanameel" (ib. xxxii. 7). Jerome rarely employs simple historical exegesis, but, like all his contemporaries, wanders in the mazes of symbolic, allegoric, and even mystic exegesis. In his commentary on Joel i. 4 he adopts the Jewish interpretation, according to which the four kinds of locusts mean the four empires; Zech. iv. 2, in which the lamp means the Law, its flame the Messiah, and its seven branches the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit, he interprets entirely mystically. Use of Noṭariḳon. In his commentary on Eccl. i. 9 he even teaches the preexistence of all beings, including man. He frequently uses the NoṬariḳon, e.g., in reference to Zerubbabel (comm. on Hag. i. 1) or to Abishag ("Epistolæ," lii. [i. 210]). Jerome's exegesis came in some respects like a revelation to the Christian world, and cleared up difficulties in reading the Bible; e.g., his explanation of the Hebrew alphabet ("Epistola xxx. ad Paulam," i. 144) or that of the ten names of God ("Epistola xxv. ad Marcellam," i. 128). It must always be remembered that in many portions of his allegorical exegesis Jerome is entirely in agreement with Hellenistic methods; for instance, in the explanation of the four colors in the sanctuary of the desert ("Epistola lxiv. ad Fabiolam," i. 364; comp. Philo, "De Monarchia," § 2; Josephus, "B. J." v. 4, § 4; idem, "Ant." iii. 7, § 7). Jerome's commentaries are of small value for Old Testament criticism, on account of the inclination to allegorize which leads him to a free treatment of the text, as well as on account of his polemics against Judaism (comp. Jew. Encyc. iv. 81, s.v. Church Fathers). Traditions. Jerome's works are especially important for Judaism because of the numerous Jewish traditions found in them, particularly in his work "Quæstiones Hebraicæ in Genesin." Jerome designates by the general name "tradition" all supplementary and edifying stories found in the Midrash and relating to the personages and events of the Bible; these stories may fitly be designated as historic haggadah. Here also Jerome affirms that he faithfully reproduces what the Jews have told him (comm. on Amos iv. 16: "hoc Hebræi autumant et sicut nobis ab ipsis traditum est, nostris fideliter exposuimus"). He designates the Jewish legend of Isaiah's martyrdom as an authentic tradition (comm. on Isa. lvii. 1: "apud cos certissima traditio"), while he doubts the story of Jeremiah's crucifixion because there is no reference to it in Scripture (comm. on Jer. xi. 18). Jerome often remarks that a certain story is not found in Scripture, but only in tradition (comm. on Isa. xxii. 15), and that these traditions originated with the "magistri," i.e., the Rabbis (comm. on Ezek. xlv. 10); that these "fables" are incorporated into the text on the strength of one word (comm. on Dan. vi. 4); and that many authors are cited to confirm this tradition. All these remarks exactly characterize the nature of the Haggadah. Jerome apparently likes these traditions, though they sometimes displease him, and then he contemptuously designates them as "fabulæ" or "Jewish fables," "ridiculous fables" (comm. on Ezek. xxv. 8), "ridiculous things" (on Eccl. iii. 1), or "cunning inventions" (on Zech. v. 7). Jerome's opinion of these traditions is immaterial at the present time. The important point is that he quotes them; for thereby the well-known traditions of the Midrash are obtained in Latin form, and in this form they are sometimes more concise and comprehensible—in any case they are more interesting. Moreover, many traditions that appear from the sources in which they are found to be of a late date are thus proved to be of earlier origin. Jerome also recounts traditions that are no longer found in canonical Jewish sources, as well as some that have been preserved in the Jewish and Christian Apocrypha. It is, furthermore, interesting to note that Jerome had read some of these traditions; hence they had been committed to writing in his time. Although other Church Fathers quote Jewish traditions none equal Jerome in the number and faithfulness of their quotations. This Midrash treasure has unfortunately not yet been fully examined; scholars have only recently begun to investigate this field. Nor have Jerome's works been properly studied as yet in reference to the valuable material they contain on the political status of the Jews of Palestine, their social life, their organization, their religiousviews, their Messianic hopes, and their relations to Christians. Jerome was no friend to the Jews, although he owed them much; he often rebukes them for their errors; reproaches them for being stiff-necked and inimical to the Christians; controverts their views in the strongest terms; curses and reviles them; takes pleasure in their misfortune; and even uses against them both the books that he has cunningly obtained from them and the knowledge he has derived therefrom. Thus Jews and Christians agree that he is eminent only for his scholarship, and not for his character. See Church Fathers. Bibliography: O. Zöckler, Hieronymus, Sein Leben und Sein Wirken, Gotha, 1865; A. Thierry, St. Jérôme, Paris, 1867, 1875; Grützmacher, Hieronymus, part i., Leipsic, 1901; Nowack, Die Bedeutung des Hieronymus für die A. T. Textkritik, 1875, pp. 6-10; S. Krauss, in Magyar Zsidó Szémle, 1890, vii., passim; idem, in J. Q. R. vi. 225-261; M. Rahmer, Die Hebräischen Traditionen in den Werken des Hieronymus, i., Breslau, 1861; ii., Berlin, 1898; idem, in Ben Chananja, vii.; idem, in Monatsschrift, 1865, 1866, 1867, 1868; idem, in Grätz Jubelschrift; Siegfried, Die Aussprache des Hebräischen bei Hieronymus, in Stade's Zeitschrift, iv. 34-82; Spanier, Exegetische Beiträge, zu Hieronymus, Bern, 1897; W. Bacher, Eine Angebliche Lücke im Hebräischen Wissen des Hieronymus, in Stade's Zeitschrift, xxii. 114-116.